The Philippines is in the vanguard of countries around the world that are finally pushing back against the excesses of the politically progressive Left. They’re saying, “Enough!” Rodrigo Duterte’s impressive victory in May, and his chart-topping popularity since, is not some aberration peculiar to the Philippines; it’s part of an effort being waged around the world to reject the fringe whims of the progressives and focus on the concerns, the needs and the hopes of the majorities.
‘Big government’ and the Left-dominant establishments with their drive to evolve a One World Order are being renounced. Duterte’s foreign policy – realigning away from the US, the boiler room of sociopolitical globalization – is a prime example of this. His plan for regionalism, by which the provinces will determine their own economic destiny, is another example.
Donald Trump’s ousting of Democratic Party royalty, HRH Hillary Rodham Clinton, whose coronation had been planned since the presidential re-election of the progressives’ poster boy, Barack Obama, in 2012, is perhaps the most striking example of the kicking back against the established order. Even her consort, media darling and Democratic Party blueblood, William Jefferson Clinton, couldn’t help her accede to the throne. Trump refers to his following as “a movement,” which it is – but it’s not one isolated to the US, it’s a global movement and Duterte’s mass campaign rallies were its forerunner.
The ongoing rejection of the autocratic government of Europe from its Eagle’s Nest in Brussels, also shows the diversity of opposition to the progressives’ rule. In June, the people of Britain abandoned its membership of the European Union (EU) project in a referendum that gave the world a new word, ‘Brexit’ – the British Exit from this Left-leaning league of unaccountable faceless bureaucrats. This has inspired further rebellion and challenges to its totalitarian rule.
It’s facile to suppose that this is a straight Left-Right conflict; it’s far from that. Duterte in many ways is a textbook socialist; Trump has some New York Democrat tendencies. In Greece, for example, radical Left and far Rightists parties have become bedfellows in their denouncements of EU-imposed austerity on their people. The common foe of all these is the progressive Left (which for the remainder of this article we’ll just refer to as the Left).
In France, last week, Francois Fillon emerged as the “shock winner” – shock to the Leftist media, that is – to lead the Centre Right into the next April and May general election, which, incidentally he will win. Fillon, unlike Left incumbent French president, François Hollande, is no EU apologist. Far from it; his appraisal of the EU is this: “Today Europe at best is inefficient, useless, out-fashioned and, at worst, is an obstacle to our development and our freedom”. And grasps of reality like that is precisely why he will win. Like Trump, like Brexit – and glaringly unlike the progressives – Fillon is connecting with the people.
His main opposition is the Left-media’s bête noire, Marine Le Pen, president of the Front National (FN), a Rightist party that’s opposed the European project ever since its inception under the 1993 Maastricht Treaty. FN, once a fringe movement in France, today is a major political party that can no longer be ignored, nor treated like some clownish caricature by the Left Press. FN speaks for too many people; and its electoral gains across the country over the past decade really should tell the most deluded journalistic ostrich that it’s here to stay.
In Holland, the healthily Euroskeptic, Partji Voor de Vrijheld (Party of Freedom, or PVV), is a firm advocate of ‘Dutchit’ – a Dutch exit from the club. Headed by Geert Wilders, the Euro-Left’s Public Enemy No.2, PVV – 10 years ago, a one-man party – today is the third biggest political party in the Netherlands. With 12 House of Representatives seats, nine Senate seats and four seats in the European Parliament, PVV has shown once again that the dismissive progressives have missed the point by failing to understand the concerns of the people whose interests they claim, ad nauseum, to uphold and defend.
Across Scandinavia – that Utopia of the strident Left – it’s a similar story; again, the people have had enough. In large part, this is the result of liberal immigration policies. Last year, Sweden provided homes for 160,000 asylum seekers – the highest rate per capita of any EU state – while fellow Scandis, Denmark, Finland and Norway, have been similarly overwhelmed.
In Denmark, in May, a new party – Pernille Vermund’s New Civic Party (NCP) – emerged in response to the people’s call for the political class to regain the country’s sovereignty which many perceive is being eroded by a lax immigration policy that’s seen waves of migrants enter Denmark over he past year. Ms Vermund has said that NCP will campaign to withdraw from the Refugee Convention and repatriate asylum seekers.
But NCP is just the latest in a litany of pro-Right parties that have emerged in Denmark. The biggest of these is the Danish People’s Party (DPP) which, following last year’s general election, is now the country’s second largest political group after winning 37 of the 179 seats in the Folketing, the Danish Parliament. It’s popular, influential; it reflects the concerns of a vast part of the electorate and it’s here to stay.
Criticised by Sweden’s ruling Left elite – the Social Democratic Party and its minor partner, the Green Party – over Denmark’s changes to its immigration laws (the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and the Council of Europe’s human-rights commissioner also joined in), DPP co-founder, Ms Pia Kjaersgaard had this advice for its neighbour: “If they want to turn Stockholm, Gothenburg or Malmo into a Scandinavian Beirut, with clan wars, honour killings and gang rapes, let them do it. We can always put a barrier on the Oresund Bridge [which connects the two countries]”.
Meanwhile, the Right-leaning, Euro-skeptic Sweden Democrats, with 14% of parliamentary seats is now the country’s third largest party. And its popularity is growing among a restive population that’s also kicking back against the progressive policies of the Social Democrats and the Greens.
Even in traditionally Europhilic Spain there are signs that the people are becoming tired of the progressives rule from Brussels. Last year, a Eurobarometer survey showed that 61% of Spanish citizens have no trust in the EU. And it’s the same story in Italy and across much of the quilt of the eastern EU states.
In the Philippines, the old order that has held sway over the people for generations is being wound back. Despite intermittent economic successes – some good-looking figures on the country’s balance sheet, now and again – the fact is that this country, which should be at the head of the Southeast Asian pride, remains a sickly cub trailing in its path. Duterte knows it, the vast majority of the population knows it; only the progressives, it seems, don’t know it.
What Duterte and Trump and many of those in Europe are ushering in is a new age of pragmatism; one that puts the people’s majority and their country first. They will not kowtow to the divisive political correctness that has sought to stifle and control them for so long, and they will certainly pay no heed to a media that is despised by their peoples even more than the political class they seek to replace.
These are interesting times and they will be volatile. The progressives have been building their power bases since the end of the Second World War and will not be calmly walking away from power. The mainstream media, their propaganda wing, will go into overdrive to try to wrestle back control. The large pillars of the One World Order – the Establishment governments of the West, the UN, the IMF/World Bank, the politically compromised central banks, the cabal of NGOs, the progressivist think tanks, and the rest – will resist any threat to their dominance.
But the genie is now out of the bottle and one thing they will be powerless over is to re-silence that once-silent majority.